Monetary Policy Dissertation

Dissertation on Monetary Policy

Monetary policy is the manipulation of interest rates to influence economic activity, whilst fiscal policy is the use of the government budget (variations in the level and composition of taxation and spending) to influence the economy. Both these instruments have a role to play in the Federal Government's policy mix to achieve key economic objectives. Historically, these objectives have been "internal balance" (achieving price stability and low unemployment), "external balance" (keeping the CAD, foreign liabilities and exchange rates at a sustainable level), and economic growth to improve the material standard of living in the medium to long term. Along with microeconomic reform, fiscal and monetary policy are the three instruments used to meet these objectives.

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The traditional policy mix (used since the Hawke/Keating Labor government) has been to use monetary policy to address internal balance, fiscal policy to achieve external balance, and microeconomic reform to assist in achieving faster rates of sustainable growth. However, the policy mix has changed slightly under the new Howard government, especially in the role played by fiscal policy. Monetary policy remains the most important economic management tool, and since the early 1990s has played the central role in the management of economic growth and inflation in Australia. 

For the past decade the RBA has conducted monetary policy with the main aim of achieving its "inflation target" of 2-3 per cent over the course of the economic cycle. Whilst low inflation is not an end in itself, the RBA believes that keeping price growth within the target range is the key to achieving the goals of sustainable economic growth and low unemployment. Under the Howard government however, fiscal policy has taken on a less active economic role. Fiscal policy is no longer actively used to influence the level of economic growth nor to achieve external balance. In fact, the objective of external balance is no longer directly pursued by the current government. Instead, fiscal policy is a supplementary demand management tool, with the main aim being to achieve budget balance over the course of the economic cycle. This goal of fiscal balance ensures that the government does not draw from the savings pool and "crowd out" the private sector (thereby indirectly assisting external stability), as well as having other political advantages.

The RBA needs to take many factors into account when conducting monetary policy. Theoretically, interest rates are raised to exert contractionary pressure on an overheated economy, and lowered to promote growth when economic activity is stagnant. Whilst MP is relatively quick to implement (the RBA Board convenes every month), changes to interest rates often take 12 - 18 months to have an impact on the economy. This time lag needs to be taken into account when conducting MP, and the RBA often needs to act preemptively and forecast where the economy will be positioned in the business cycle when the impact of MP changes are seen. At present the RBA has kept interest rates steady at 4.75 per cent for more than a year, yet many economists are forecasting that rates will fall in the second half of 2003. According to the RBA formula, when inflation is within the target band, then an interest rate level below 5.5% is considered expansionary. Therefore, the current interest rate should be having a mildly stimulatory effect on economic activity, supporting the fact that Australia's current growth rate (2.9% in March 03) is below the long term sustainable rate of 3.5 to 4 per cent. The RBA also did not react to the fact that for a brief period in early 2003 inflation rose outside of its target band to 3.4 per cent in March. This reflects the fact that the inflation target is not an "electric fence", but rather a goal to be achieved as an average over the course of the business cycle. This frees up monetary policy to be used for demand management in the short term.

There is increasing pressure on the RBA to ease monetary policy through an interest rate cut due to the less than promising outlook for the world economy. In addition, the domestic growth rate is well below its sustainable average, still suffering from the effects of the drought. Also, by reducing the interest rate differential between ourselves and the rest of the world (current interest rates are only 1% in the US and 0% in Japan), this would reduce upward pressure on the Australian dollar and lessen the negative impact of the weak global economy on our export markets. However, the RBA has also expressed its concern about the continuing boom in home building and property prices, being fuelled by a growth in credit. This reflects the fact that monetary policy is a relatively blunt economic instrument. A change in interest rate has an effect on every aspect of the economy, making it difficult for the RBA to move rates in either direction. Ideally, monetary policy should be used hand-in-hand with fiscal policy to achieve economic objectives, as FP can be more highly targeted to specific areas in the economy. For example, expansionary fiscal policy could be used to address the current situation of slow economic growth, whilst leaving interest rates steady as not to over-stimulate the property market. However, the fact that the government no longer uses fiscal policy as a serious macro-economic instrument means that this would be difficult to achieve. In reality, the Budget is now used mostly as a political instrument due to the public misconception that balanced budgets are a reflection of sound economic management. Balanced budgets also prevent the political opposition from being able to use any surplus funds should they come to power. It seems that the Government's political agenda has rendered fiscal policy close to impotent in terms of its macroeconomic impact in the economy.

In 2003, fiscal policy will exert a very mildly expansionary pressure on the economy, even though macroeconomic concerns no longer feature highly in the fiscal strategy. The underlying cash surplus has shrunk form 0.5 per cent to 0.3 per cent of GDP (from $3.9 bn to $2.2 bn). The budget contains income tax cuts and overall spending increases which are likely to provide some stimulus for the Australian economy in the face of a relatively weak global environment. However, the fiscal loosening is slight enough that it will not put undue pressure on inflation or the Current Account. The government attempts to ensure that it is not "living beyond its means". Fiscal policy attempts to maintain macroeconomic stability and encourage private investment through the entrenchment of low levels of public debt, meaning that the Current Account is simply a reflection of private saving and investment decisions. This is in line with the Twin Deficits theory which states that the government should attempt to avoid fiscal deficits which put pressure on the national savings pool and can crowd out private investment.

All these fiscal policy objectives are supplementary to the role of monetary policy, which is the primary tool for macroeconomic management in the Government's policy mix. Whilst fiscal policy still has some role to play in the economy, the fact that the government also uses it to achieve political objectives means that the present policy mix is unable to deal with the current economic conditions in the most effective way.

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Dissertation on EU

Dissertation on European Union (EU)

The European Unions’ powers a constraint on nation state powers EU decisions under the intergovernmental regime are not taken on behalf of the European people, but on behalf of the peoples of Europe. The peoples of Europe are represented by ministers of their governments, who--at least in principle--are subject to the political scrutiny and control of the national parliament representing the people in a particular member -state.

The proper level of political control and political representation is the national level, and a European Parliament, in any traditional meaning of the term, is an anomaly. However, once EU decisions are taken under its supranational regime--i.e. when individual member - states have no veto power --indirect political control and representation via the national parliaments cannot be effective anymore. Therefore, the EU has constrained the nation state powers in decisions related to economical and political factors.

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If decisions are taken at the supranational level, both political control and political representation must happen at that level as well. It is in this respect that the European Parliament has a unique function that cannot be fulfilled by national parliaments. While it might appear good for the Union as a whole, this function certainly does limit the decision making power of the member states.

It is a basic assumption of any modern concept of political representation that the interest of the one nation should prevail over local or regional interests. Translated to the European Union this requires that European interests should prevail over national interests. (3) If the process of political representation in the European Union is no more than a mechanism to put national interests on the European agenda, a truly European system of political representation does not exist.

An important criterion to assess the quality of representative democracy in the European Union is therefore the extent to which supranational or at least cross-national political views and interests take precedence over purely national interests. A first indication of the extent to which a truly European system of political representation exists (or is at least developing) can be found in the role conceptions of MEPs. (7)

In a truly European system of political representation we would expect them to give precedence to a common European interest rather than to national or other partial interests. This focus of representation is certainly not the most conspicuous trademark of most MEPs. Only a minority considers it important to represent ‘all people in Europe’. (1) The MEPs from all countries but one think it more important to represent the people in their country. For most MEPs, representing the national interest is more important than representing the general European interest.

However, these role conceptions are not evenly distributed among the representatives of the different member-states. Representatives from the newer member-countries, and those from smaller and less powerful member-countries, are inclined to see themselves representing national interests rather than a European interest. This seems to suggest that a European focus of representation among MEPs takes time to develop. (12)

However, what is perhaps more important is the extent to which a truly European party system is developing. Not individual members of parliament but political parties are the key actors on the elite side of the process of political representation in Europe, and party government has become the dominant doctrine of democratic government.

According to this doctrine, cohesive political parties with different policy platforms compete for the support of the voters. As long as voters vote for the party that is closest to their own policy preferences, they will elect a parliament that more or less accurately reflects their policy preferences. An additional requirement of party government is that the government is formed and controlled by a majority in parliament.

It is hard to think of a democratic political system that would not meet these basic principles. Therefore, an important test of the development of a truly European system of political representation is the extent to which a European party system is developing that links the policy views of the European people to those expressed in the European Parliament. (4)

A truly European system of political representation involving transnational political parties competing for the votes of a single European electorate might be more feasible than is often suggested--although such a system does not now exist. (2) The basic left-right ideology shared by most European countries is, at the European level, aggregated into party groups that are no less distinct and cohesive than their constituent national parties. Voters throughout Europe seem to be aware of the main differences between parties and to consider them when making up their minds at election time.

Despite all its formal deficiencies, the European system of political representation is not in such bad shape as long as we apply it to the basic left-right dimension capable of reflecting the cleavage structure of most European countries. However, none of the above is true once we come to issues related to the European project as such. (5)

On these issues the major party groups are hardly distinct, differences of opinion between members of these groups are more related to their national background than to their party affiliation, voters have a problem recognizing what the views of the party groups are, and hardly take these issues into account when deciding what party to vote for. Therefore, it is anything but surprising that we found little congruence between voters and representatives on these issues.

Of course, these findings are grist to the mill of those who perceive a failure of the European system of political representation. They tend to argue for reshuffling the European party system into a system that would allow the voters to express their opinion on the future development of the European Union. This would be possible if different parties represented different positions on the simple continuum of anti- Europe--status quo--further integration (11).

The development of such a party system is most unlikely. Moreover, the validity of the argument is disputable. The basic problem is that there are at least three different kinds of European issues, none of which lends itself easily as a basis for reshuffling the European party system (6).

The first kind of European issues refers to the delicate balance of national sovereignty and European integration. According to many observers, this is the dimension on which a truly European party system should be based. However, if political representation should take place at the same level where decisions are taken, it makes little sense to base a system of representation, and therefore a party system, on issues that are decided at a different level.

Formal decisions on a further transfer of sovereignty from the national to the European level are subject to the intergovernmental regime of European decision-making. They need the consent of national governments and are, at least in principle, under the control of national parliaments and national electorates.

Therefore, the interesting paradox is that what usually are called European issues are basically national issues. As far as the existing party system fails to offer a meaningful choice to the voters, this is a problem at the national rather than the European level. (12)

A second kind of European issues refers to the division of power between different institutions of the European Union, given a certain competence of the Union. The basic issue for the European Parliament, and therefore a possible issue in European Parliament elections, is the accountability of the Commission and the Council of Ministers to the European Parliament. However, this is hardly an issue that lends itself to politicizing within the European Parliament.

Efforts to strengthen the European Parliament are unproblematic within the Parliament, but produce conflicts between the Parliament as an institution and other institutions of the European Union. On this issue differences between party groups will be secondary to the institutional interests of the Parliament as such. (1) And issues on which political parties do not compete and do not want to can hardly be a basis for the formation of a party system.

A third kind of European issues refers to substantive policy issues decided at the European level. Once the Union has the competence to pursue its own policies in a particular area, the question remains what the content of that policy should be. Suddenly, the relevant conflict dimensions do not necessarily differ from those at the national level. In a healthy and stable democracy, the political debate and political conflicts will usually refer to substantive policy issues within the constraints of a constitutional order (3).

The constitutional order itself should not be a matter of permanent dispute. If the unification of Europe is at all viable, major political disputes must gradually shift from constitutional to substantive policy issues. In that process the European issue dimension might gradually be absorbed by the left-right dimension as other conflict dimensions have been in the past (10). The more the debate concentrates on European policy rather than on European integration in abstracto, the more the two dimensions will be intertwined. (10)

From this perspective, the relative consensus among political elites about the future of Europe is not a problem. It is rather a condition for further development of the European Union as a democratic political system. We see no reason why, at least in the long run, the basic structure of the party system at the European level should differ from that at the national level.

Quite the contrary: “one of the main reasons to consider the development of a European system of political representation feasible at all is the existence of common roots in the party systems of the member-states.” (7) Therefore, it is our contention that many of the arguments on which the notion of a crisis of political representation in the European Union is based are disputable.

That an effective system of political representation in Europe is feasible does not imply that such a system already exists. We will discuss the democratic quality of the EU political system, and strategies for its reform, at the end of this conclusion. But first we will turn to our findings on the legitimacy of the European Union. 

If elections are decided according to the rules of the responsible party model but the outcome of the elections would have no effect on the composition of government or on public policy, we would at least hesitate to speak of an effective system of political representation. It is hardly a matter of dispute that in a representative democracy elections decide, directly or indirectly, which parliamentary majority should form a government and what kind of policies the government should pursue.

In the European Union none of this applies. A European government with any similarity to national governments does not exist. The composition of the European Commission is independent of the outcome of European Parliament elections but depends on the nominations of the national governments. Nor does the composition of the Council depend on the outcome of European Parliament elections, but on that of national elections. (9)

Because there is no European government based on the consent of a majority of members of the European Parliament, there is no clear pattern of government and opposition parties. Therefore, the European political system does not meet the minimal definition of a representative democracy, offering the voters the possibility to throw the rascals out.

“Thus the elections cannot fulfill either of the two main functions of general elections--the choice of a government or the formation of public policy” (6). How serious a problem this is a matter of perspective. From the federal perspective on the European Union the argument is pretty straightforward.

If the European Union can be considered a separate political entity, it should--ceteris paribus--meet the democratic standards that apply to a state. From this view the democratic deficit is obvious: elections are not clearly translated into political power, the EP is too weak, the Commission is not elected, and the Council of Ministers and European Council are not properly controlled or accountable (4).

However, if one does not share this view and wants to see the Union as no more than a co-operation of sovereign states, one would not identify a failure of democracy at the European level. From this perspective a possible democratic deficit is located at the national level and consists of a lack of domestic control over the EU (11).

But even if one refuses to recognize the European Union as a separate polity, it is not so easy to brush aside complaints about the failure of democracy at the European level. Nobody can get around the fact that there is a directly-elected European parliament. And the least these elections suggest is that the votes of the people make a difference. If they do not, or if people think they do not, this might be detrimental to the legitimacy, not only of the European Parliament, but of the whole European project.

A clear relevance of European elections for the allocation of power and thereby for the direction of European policy-making would not leave the voters unaffected. Essentially the same argument was used by the researches who pleaded for a radical change in the European political system (8).

They discussed two possible alternatives to strengthen the relationship between the outcome of the elections and the allocation of power in the European Union. The first possibility is the introduction of a parliamentary system. This implies that the Commission should be based on the confidence of the majority of members of the European Parliament.

The Commission would become responsible to the Parliament, and the Union would come to resemble a parliamentary system of government. European elections would gain in significance since they would help determine the political color of the Union executive. The members of the Commission would share a similar political tendency, allowing electors who disliked its orientation over the last five years to vote through the European Parliament elections for a Commission of a different political orientation (5). This, he expects, would lead to an increase in interest and voter turnout.

An alternative proposal is the introduction of a presidential system. It entails directly electing the European Commission as a whole, using a two-ballot system. The introduction of a presidential system “would probably serve to encourage bipolarity in a multiparty system, a realignment of the Community party system which would clarify the basis of electoral choice and hence make democratic accountability easier”. (10)

It is apparent from this research that the EU has constrained the nation state powers in decisions related to economical and political factors. While this is a sign of a strong centralized power as represented by the EU itself, the member states might not actually appreciate the fact that their decision making power is so much inhibited.

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This is a small excerpt from dissertation on European Union topic. As free dissertation samples and dissertation proposal examples are plagiarized we recommend you not to use it in your own dissertation or thesis paper. Why not to get online dissertation writing help on EU from professional dissertation writing company? Top-rated PhD academic writers will write a custom dissertation on any topic and discipline from scratch!

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How to Write a Master's Thesis

How to Write a Master's Thesis Paper

The Master's thesis is the most important requirement if you want to achieve your desirable master’s degree. A successful master’s thesis should be about 100 pages in length and bring a considerable contribution into human life - science, art or technology. A good master’s thesis writing requires much time and efforts, because a student must research the matter deeply, that is why most students need more than a year to complete their master’s thesis. It does not worth mentioning that many students do not know how to write a master’s thesis properly and apply for online master’s thesis writing services. Our writing team is eager to provide you with quality master’s thesis writing help and offers professional master’s thesis writing guidelines.

Master’s Thesis Writing Tips:

1. First of all you must choose the best topic which suits you. There surely will be a topic, you are interested in. It is very important, because you must be ready to spend a year researching and working it out. Then, find a thesis assistant or adviser who will help you with master’s thesis writing. It should be your college professor who will facilitate your research process and advice useful literary materials.

2. Start researching your topic. Use only reliable trustworthy sources which will help you to prepare a successful informative master’s thesis. While choosing scientific books or periodicals, consult your thesis adviser. When you research the topic, take notes, cite and do not limit yourself with a small number of books - the more you read - the better chances you have to write a good thesis.

3. Write the outline of your master’s thesis. It will help you write your paper faster and it will look professional and well organized. Besides, you will not miss any important details - good organization of the writing process is the key to success. Be sure to cover the main research question (the general topic) dividing it into component subtopics to make your thesis long enough and deeply researched.

4. Now, start writing your master’s thesis. Remember to follow the outline not to miss your ideas. Base your thoughts on the scientific texts that you have read and express your own opinion. It is very important, because the thesis is an individual paper, so you have to show what you think about this topic and introduce something new in it. Writing the body of the master’s thesis, do not forget to keep to the standard format and style.

5. When you have written the thesis, share it with your adviser. He will read it to make sure that your paper is good enough and if it is formatted correctly. He will advise you to add something or to make your thesis shorter. After these corrections, give your thesis for the checking once more.

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Dissertation on Virgin Atlantic Airways

Since its inaugural flight took off from London on 22 June, 1984, Virgin Atlantic Airways has become the second largest long-haul airline in the smaller and confined British environment (Virgin Atlantic). It now has a reputation for service quality and innovative product development. However, Richard Branson, the airline's founder and chairman, was not satisfied with the rapid expansion; he applied his record-breaking, customer-driven, and fun-seeking philosophy in his efforts to break into the U.S. market. Although Virgin Atlantic Airways took advantage of its unique marketing mix and multi-channel strategy to succeed in the U.S., the major obstacle Virgin would face in the U.S. expansion that was the trade barriers maintained by the United States (U.S.). Virgin Atlantic remained committed to a complete liberalization of the transatlantic aviation market and the removal of all unnecessary regulations.

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However, Great Britain and the United States both wanted liberalization, but each had different needs and starting points for its own benefit. Another obstacle will be economic vulnerability. In the beginning, Virgin has to adopt a hit-or-miss strategy to see what works in the United States because it will face a more competitive environment than in Great Britain. As a result, Virgin will spend more money on marketing which will cause the high break-even point and lack of economics of scope. Thus, it will be a problem for Virgin to remain profitable and retain its competitive edge in innovations in the U.S.

market. Besides those obstacles, the Virgin group is best known as the airline which provides a good service quality, fun-seeking entertainment, and innovation for customers who seeking value-for-money travel. It succeeded in setting itself apart from every other boring airline as well as getting many younger and fun-seeking customers. In contrast, it also has some weaknesses on fun-oriented marketing strategy. For example, there are no clear customer targets because Virgin Atlantic Airways has combined its economy section with the first class section at business class prices.

In addition, it emphasized on its wild image and fun-oriented market strategy which was not good for all customers because some customers might see Virgin airways as a cheap and cheerful airline (Reed). In recent years, the Virgin group tried to implement its brand leverage strategy in the U.S. market by expanding the product mix to provide various items available through the Virgin Website (Angelo). In addition, many unrelated wealthy ventures involve Branson's name and his successful brand name in order to control interest.

As market experts foresee, many problems will occur when products or services from the same corporate brand - Virgin are differentiated on different bases. The market segmentation, brand distinction and satisfaction of customer service are definitely going to be harder and harder for the Virgin group. Thus, these will be a big challenge for them in the future. For example, on the surface, these ventures perhaps maintain their goods and service to meet Virgin's standards. However, do they really operate the same way as Virgin does? The prestige and brand names of the company are most valuable and important assets for the organization.

Unlike goods or services every company offers, prestige and brand names are difficult to copy. The way in which the companies interact with their customers defines their brand as well as any advertisement. Therefore, Virgin will have to face how to unify its brand names, customer touch points, and user experience in the future. In addition, the most risk and challenge is how to maintain their brand valve because Virgin's brand plays a major role in influencing a customer's choice. It is important to recognize the brand is created not by the message the marketing department prints on its advertisement, but by the way the companies interact with customers.

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Dissertation on Veterinary Medicine

Some pre-veterinarian students have known that they would become veterinarians since they held their first stuffed animal. Others have had a single catalytic event that changed their career goals forever. The origins of my own desire to pursue a career in veterinary medicine have been less dramatic, but equally as influential. As a child, when someone would ask me what I wanted to be when I grew up I answered with an array of possibilities including doctor, physical therapist, lawyer (only because my dad is one), and of course veterinarian. To me, becoming a veterinarian meant saving animals, and helping their owners through some very difficult times. Most people recognize the joy and solace they feel when they are around animals, especially their own. To enter a profession in which I could help animals live a happy and healthy life would allow me to make a difference, not only in a person's life, but in an innocent animal's life as well.

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As I grew older I experienced the difference animals and pets made in my life. When I was upset about something I could always depend on Katy, our family dog to be there and let me hug her and talk to her. She never did mind. This always made me feel better. At the age of nine I began riding horses which allowed me to gain knowledge and confidence in a new way. When I went out to the stables every weekend, I was always ready to learn and have fun for a few hours. The experience I had at Silver Mist Stables taught me that at the age of ten I could take care of a huge horse all by myself, and as long as I was willing, Duke, the nineteen year old horse I leased, would take care of me. This experienced helped shape me into becoming a strong independent individual. In the arena I was in charge of how well Duke and I performed, and the sensation of achieving the goals I had set forth gave me the motivation to expect excellence of myself in all aspects of my life.

While I acknowledge my complete love of animals, I became fascinated with the field of medicine. I took a great interest in my science classes in high school and decided that majoring in a field of science in college would be most intriguing to me. As a senior in high school I realized that I could combine my interest in science, my need to be on my own, and my love of the vast wilderness by attending the University of Colorado at Boulder. I declared my major in Kinesiology and Systemic Physiology because I felt this field would allow me to apply the knowledge learned in foundational science classes to the human body. At this point, I was still leaning towards becoming a physician. At this time I began to realize that California was my true home, and despite the magnificence of Colorado, I longed for the familiarity of California.

In February of 2001 I made a decision to transfer to UC Davis. Though I did not know it at the time this decision would have a lasting impact on my career choice. During my first quarter at Davis, despite my rigorous academic schedule, I decided to try something new and volunteer at the Davis Animal Hospital, a local small animal clinic. For three months I went to the clinic on Tuesday mornings and assisted the doctors and technicians in routine procedures including cleaning kennels, walking the dogs, drawing blood samples and even observing minor surgical procedures. The time I spent there allowed me to see the other side of a veterinary clinic. I had always been on the other side, and this new experience was intriguing to me. From this point my childhood interests in becoming a veterinarian were reignited.

Although I enjoyed the quarter I spent at the small animal clinic, I was not sure that the small animal clinic was an area I wanted to pursue a career in. Over that Christmas vacation I rode along with an ambulatory veterinarian in Chico. That first day I spent with her I was able to experience a side of veterinary medicine I had not yet discovered. We went to several different ranches and boarding facilities and did everything from giving routine vaccinations to hock injections on an arthritic thoroughbred. Dr. Heather Smith introduced me to a whole new field that sparked a fire in me that still burns today. After the time I spent with Dr. Smith, I returned to Davis and immediately dove into volunteering at the Large Animal ICU at the UC Davis veterinary teaching hospital. After two quarters, I was still infatuated and submitted an application for employment. At the present time I am working as a Large Animal ICU/ISO technician, completing my research project on dendritic cell concentrations in neonatal foals, and spending any free time I have in Chico with Dr. Smith.

By taking the opportunity to ride along with Dr. Baker I was able to solidify all of my aspirations into a career goal that is well suited for me. I feel that UC Davis' School of Veterinary Medicine is the right place for me to enter the profession. Through working at the Large Animal ICU I have had the opportunity to meet many clinicians, residents, staff and students; I would feel privileged if I were accepted as a student at the University Of California Davis School Of Veterinary Medicine.

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This is a small excerpt from dissertation on Veterinary Medicine topic. As free dissertation samples and dissertation proposal examples are plagiarized we recommend you not to use it in your own dissertation or thesis paper. Why not to get online dissertation writing help on Veterinary Medicine from professional dissertation writing company? Top-rated PhD academic writers will write a custom dissertation on any topic and discipline from scratch!

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How to Write a PhD Thesis Paper

How to Write a PhD Thesis

A PhD thesis is the most important and horribly difficult paper for every student, because writing a successful PhD thesis guarantees you the highest academic degree and looks like a reward for the long years of study and research. A good PhD thesis should cover only up-to-date matters, as you are supposed to introduce fresh new ideas and solutions to the development of modern society and its urgent problems. If you need professional PhD thesis writing help, our writing service will provide you with quality PhD thesis writing tips.

PhD Thesis Writing Guidelines:

1. First of all you should get to know how a successful PhD thesis must be written. Look through the existing thesis papers to understand their structure, type of writing, the amount of work, literary sources. It will help you with writing your own paper. Before writing your thesis, consult with your adviser, as he is able to provide you with valuable assistance, he will suggest reading and studying particular materials concerning your PhD thesis paper, he will narrow the field of your research to make it more concrete and understandable for you.

2. Start writing you thesis. Create the outline and try to follow it. Remember, that your PhD thesis must be well thought out and unique. You must give arguments when you claim something. Without reliable arguments and evidence your PhD thesis will be a worthless paper. While writing a thesis paper you should show the deepest knowledge of the subject and topic.

3. If you want to write a good PhD thesis - read as much as possible about your topic in scientific works, journals, encyclopedias. It will be useful to write an annotated bibliography, it will help you keep all your literary sources at hand and you will remember the content of every source.

4. Write a draft of your PhD thesis and show it to your adviser. He will tell you if you work in the right direction. If something must be added or thrown out. You should consult your adviser quite often, because his wise ideas are vital for your PhD thesis.

5. Continue writing your thesis, reread it many times and try to improve it, make it perfect. Finally, you should proof-read your PhD thesis to make it look grammatically and stylistically correct. Now, prepare to defend your thesis successfully not to lose face in front of your professor and adviser.

Now you know how to write a good PhD thesis paper. We hope that our PhD thesis writing tips will help you create a quality original thesis, which will be published in the recognized journals and you will be awarded for the years of your studying and research. If you need professional help with PhD thesis paper or PhD thesis writing assistance - our writing service is 24\7 ready to support you.

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Dissertation on Africa

Dissertation on Africa after getting independence

1. Introduction

"After independence we will have to stand on our own and rely on our own resources, the unifying force, the cement…which had hitherto been supplied by the United Kingdom Government will be removed, and will have to be replaced by new virtues of our own which must be capable of keeping all the diverse elements of the country together, in mutual trust and harmony and with a common national purpose."(Awo, the Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo of Nigeria).

Before the World War II the very small part of Africa was free from external influence and tight control. Only Liberia for many years was the only one independent African nation. During the nineteenth century America was helping Africa to gain its independence.

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Generally speaking Africans themselves are very impatient to get on the business itself and with the business of modernizing their land, educating their people, improving their standards of living and governing selves. And that is actually considered the main reason for this country to be in turmoil.

2. Situation in Northern Africa and Other Parts of the Country regarding Independence

After the Second WW there were very much unrest in North Africa, which countries were hostile towards France and its influence. But it must be said that after the several decades of French domination in that areas a lot of improvements were brought to people. ( Lewin, 1990)

After the war, people of the colonies, that were owned and governed by French, decided that there is already time for them to rule themselves. There was a very sharp contradiction of this decision, but finally Morocco and Tunisia in 1956/57 were given their independence.

Algeria was supposed to be next, but there about a million of French there that were afraid of independent Algeria would pass laws to deprive them of their rather good working conditions which they were enjoying before.

Soon after that an open war between French and the Algerian broke out and finally after years of bloody fighting independence was approved by French government.

Kenya was another fighting colony. A rebellion against British was organized there. And was a drastic step back into the barbarism. But still a great effort can be seen that Africans made in order to get independence, even not able to cope with it. So, it became a sovereign republic.

3. Nigeria’s Hopes Failed

It was time when Nigeria was said to be the model of a self-governing nation in Africa. It is made of four separate regions that tend to be self-governing and also seems to have all types of resources to establish a good level of rich life. It became independent nation in 1960 and a republic three years later.

However problems almost immediately started and the process of development was slowed. The elections that took place almost divided the nation. People were not accustomed to self-government and democracy, and that all resulted in violence. Most people couldn’t read or write, so their participation in the elections was rather theoretical.

Nigeria was divided mainly into two parts. The Eastern region was made up of Ibos, members of the Christian church, rather well-educated. As result of their striving and education most of them gained jobs in central government.

There was also a Northern region, which was less progressive and was not very much educated. Later on Eastern region declared itself independent from the whole Nigeria. After some time, the struggle between two parts was partially stopped. But the rebellious spirit made negative impact on the development of the country. ( Lewin, 1990)

Nigeria today is very wealthy and prospering country, thanks to vast oil reserves. But still there is much to be done. Roads need to be rebuilt, but in general this leading African nation has a vital role to play in world affairs.

4. Congo- Troubled Land

It became obvious that getting independence in only the first thing in the chain of following problems for the people of Africa. And it is apparent that people that get the right to rule themselves, after many years of colonial state, need help.

Therefore, many economical and political changes were made that they can’t return to the tribal ways of living. Statements about democracy were not understandable to the most part of the population because of lack of education. They were familiar with law either. And also in order for Africa to prosper and develop in different spheres, people at first must learn how to use farm machines and industrial machinery.

After the power was restored to the Africans, and the apparent need for unity and struggle for their rights disappeared, tribal rivalries and old, almost forgotten jealousies came to the surface and distracted the main attention that should be paid to the development.

Congo became independent in 1960. Before getting independence it was a colony of Belgium. Congolese had many complaints at that time. Even though the ruling government provided them rather good working places, they were good only according to the regional standards. Most people had very low salaries, and the most businesses were owned by foreign investors. The school system was not well-thought also, as there were no higher education available and Belgium could not allow receiving foreign students.

All the ruling positions were taken by while owners and governors and that literally meant that blacks were without either voice or control in the government.

Eventually independence was proclaimed, as Belgium realized that the tempo of nationalism cannot be resisted. But the problem was with the fact that this process was so quickly managed that Congo was left in a vacuum in which its people, who were lacking education, skills, know-how and particular type of thinking, were not able to fill.

After the Belgium government left, several Congolese leaders tried to take control over the country in their hands. Patrice Lumumba was one of them, the first Premier of the Congo, was unsuccessful in putting down the violence that followed the events.

The new nation was divided and the United Nations sent military troops to restore unity and order there. In some way it was successful action, and after some time finally Congo was a nit unified even though shakily.

Government was very much inefficient and corrupted. However, signs of improvements were appearing from time to time. And at the time there was an opinion that the peace was the main concern, and only if it could be achieved, Congo might flourish and prosper. (Lewin, 1990)

On October 27, 1971, the Congo changed its name to the Republic of Zaire and there is only one hope that the change of the name would bring changes in economic and political spheres of life and guarantee their successful development.

5. Ghana vs. Rhodesia

Events in those two counties are rather important for investigating an idea about the reasons of the underdevelopment of Africa after getting its independence. Even more, they should be described and analyzed in contrast to each other.

Ghana is the name of an old and rich land, that it also very ancient. In its actions it was progressive. Schools and hospitals were constantly built there, that brought an opportunity of eradication of illiteracy and possible to more people to learn how to read and write. Ghana has a great university and comparatively big number of students in the college. And the democratic spirit, instead of autocratic, was everywhere.

In 1962 a new president was elected for life. In two years he was granted dictatorial powers. Those who were oppose him were immediately jailed. Dictatorship was established.

The example of Ghana is an excellent illustration of the country that began its independent life with hope. But later on, it became debt ridden instead of prosperous. Educated people from there could find only few opportunities. Its democratic beginnings turned into dictatorship.

In contrast, while independence of Ghana was given by Britain, Rhodesia itself did that and began struggle for its rights. The situation there was rather confusing. The political situation in the country was controlled by white population and the white governors refused to give black population right to vote. They made a decision to keep the black population forever out of government and consider them only second class citizens.

So, as Ghana was struggling to prove that blacks can rule well and wisely, Rhodesia was striving to prove that domination of the write culture in the only way for Africa to succeed.

Speaking about the other African countries it is important to mention that even though they got independence nearly at the same period of time, their interior processes of development were quite different. Let’s Coup D’Ivoire that get it independence from France in 1960. Until 1990, it was the model of political and economic stability, and after was a military coup with the consequences of economic breakout and civil war that divided the country into two parts.

Zimbabwe became independent only in 1980. Until that time there were numerous contradictions for non-racial elections that were finally held. Namibia is another country, which is rich for its mineral resources such as gold, diamonds, uranium and lead. It was under Portuguese and South Africa’s influence for many years which controlled production there. Fishing is another great business in the region.

6. Conclusion

In the conclusion, I would like to summarize that there is much to learn about in Africa. It is full of unfinished businesses, the problems related to the establishment of a new nation, to teaching people to write and read and basic tasks related to education, to gaining experience as to the self- regulation, and to establishing of a prosperous economy.

Usually the process of development and establishment takes much time. And that it is the price paid for inexperience and haste. Probably if Africans were more patient and allowed colonial powers given them greater training, they might be able to govern themselves more skillfully.

Also in all African nations the gap between advantaged and disadvantaged must be diminished. And as it was already said, everything takes time. “For some countries, a deep and continuous divide has remained unresolved. Sudan and Chad, for example, are divided between an Arab Muslim north and an African Christian south. Both countries have suffered destructive civil wars over the decades. In Uganda, the divide was very broadly between the Baganda of the south and Acholi northerners.”

In Southern part of the continent people were cutting ties with Britain and Portugal, but still keep the white minority rule in the country, excluding black population. And numerous fighting that were the result, were violent and destructive basically the structures of the conflicting countries. That lasted for many decades, and South Africans were the last ones among the others who gained that majority rule. By the way, the South and its political and economical life were greatly distorted by the conflict called Cold War between America and USSR.

It is apparent that receiving economic independence was much harder them political one. In some territories agricultural production was destroyed by droughts and famines, and in other economical development was stopped by interior wars. Attempts to create strong manufacturing basis mainly failed, and African currencies were very unstable and could not be easily converted to more widely spread ones.

All those negative trends in all the spheres of country’s life caused the intervention of western institutions. And also as result, many people migrated to other places in seek for better life, better conditions, stable political and economic situation and quality of life.

History shows that people of Africa are capable, imaginative, creative and hard-working. And they simply need time, help and support in working out their problems and government, economy and society that is equal to the possibilities of the vast continent that they occupy.

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