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Thursday, April 12, 2012

Dissertation on Immigration Policy

Dissertation on Immigration Policy

Globalization Shaping State Immigration Policies
Globalization helps explain the union of leaders’ and employers’ immigration policy preferences and policy outcomes across countries. For example, Hollifield describes a convergence of immigration policies among industrialized democracies in the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s based on a common understanding of rights-based liberalism and the globalization of markets (11-12). Likewise, Cornelius, Martin, and Hollifield argue that the confluence of rights-based liberalism and changes in international political economy has led to a convergence of policies for controlling immigration among industrialized, labor-importing countries (23). This paper argues that globalization and global economic factors are crucial intervening variables that affect leaders’ and employers’ immigration preferences and their tactics for influencing policy.

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On the one hand, Collinson (211) and Baldwin-Edwards (204-206) state that regulatory influence on the immigration policies is influenced by numerous internal forces such as domestic immigration historical data, all sorts of labor market requirements and intra-country fiscal policy development, as well as differing degrees of organizational control of immigration processes.

On the other hand, globalization helps shape leaders’ and employers’ immigration preferences by facilitating migration through improvements in transportation and communication technology.

Fluctuations in the global economy also have amplified the demand for inexpensive, elastic immigrant force in difference industries such as hospitality services, building, real estate, and agriculture. Generally , government and the policymakers that try to confine immigration clash with applicable market forces. Even though the government may productively regulate official immigration policies, global migration trends usually work in favor of underground immigration patterns, thus limiting the influence of the official regulatory bodies. As a result, many internal and external state policymakers treat immigration as a direct result of the spreading globalization tendencies and are persuaded that means to limit it will not be successful.

Changes in the global economy also have affected employers’ policy preferences. In the 1950s and 1960s, the system of mass production— based on semi-skilled labor, assembly-line production, and economies of scale—dominated industrial organization in several European countries (Milkman, 45-49). During this period, demand for immigrant labor was concentrated in large manufacturing firms, which wielded considerable power at the national level. In the late 1970s and 1980s, technological advances and global economic competition lessened the importance of mass production systems (Lee, 90-93).

To increase profitability, many employers experimented with flexible and decentralized employment and production strategies, such as part-time and temporary contracts, and subcontracting to small enterprises. Other employers moved production to the underground economy, where labor costs are lower and labor regulations and unions can be evaded. Today, the demand for immigrant labor is still pervasive. But it is highly decentralized in secondary sectors, such as agriculture and domestic service, and in the underground economy.

Like their European counterparts, American leaders have to deal with a number of challenges caused by globalization. Globalization is challenging the U.S. ability to control its borders by making communication and transportation technology more accessible to migrants, and by opening developing countries’ economies to greater international trade and capital flows. Globalization also increases economic competition from low-wage countries, which in turn encourages employers in developed countries to seek out more flexible employment strategies. As a result, the number of contingent jobs has grown at the expense of permanent, full-time employment. This growth of the contingent work force in turn hurts union organizing efforts (Milkman, 45-49).

According to the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO), contingent workers are difficult to organize because of legal impediments imposed by the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which presupposes stable employment relationships and a defined bargaining unit for union organizing drives (14). Organizing these “orphans of the law,” many of whom are immigrants, is one of the biggest challenges facing unions in a rapidly changing global economy (15). As a result, American policymakers are creating new ways to fight the ways globalization challenges their recruiting means. For instance, the AFL-CIO’s “Campaign for Global Fairness” insists that workers’ rights be included in all trade agreements and IMF and World Bank loan agreements (AFL-CIO, 15).The AFL-CIO’s new immigration platform was developed in the shadows of global economic changes that have weakened the state’s capacity to control its borders, threatened union organization, and marginalized immigrant workers.

In this context, the AFL-CIO’s starting points for immigration reform include:
  • permanent legal status for undocumented immigrants through a new amnesty program;
  • eliminating the current system of employer sanctions;
  • full workplace rights for immigrant workers;
  • cooperative mechanisms between business and labor that allow law-abiding employers to satisfy legitimate needs for workers;
  • whistle-blower protections for undocumented workers who report violations of work protection laws;
  • a halt to the expansion of guest worker programs (AFL-CIO, 16).
On the surface, it appears that globalization is causing U.S. labor leaders’ immigration preferences to converge with those of European labor leaders. However, domestic factors filter the effects of globalization so that labor leaders from different countries, and even different unions in the same country, form different immigration preferences.

One factor unique to the U.S. case is the highly decentralized structure of the AFL-CIO compared to European confederations. The seventy-two national and international unions, not to mention thousands of locals, represented by the administrative umbrella of the AFL-CIO are highly autonomous (Bronfenbrenner, et al., 67-69). As a result, initiatives often originate at the local level and work their way up to the national level.

The initiative for change also had a regional dimension. In 1994, two California regional labor confederations, Alameda and Los Angeles, called for an end to employer sanctions and a new amnesty for undocumented workers (Bronfenbrenner, et al., 73). These demands gradually worked their way up to the national level of the AFL-CIO, and were facilitated by a new leadership team elected in 1995 that was open to change and intent on increasing union membership.

This effect stands in contrast to the top-down structure of more centralized European unions. In Spain, Italy, and France, changes in labor leaders’ immigration preferences occurred first among the top leadership, at the federal level, and worked its way down to regional unions through educational initiatives for the rank and file, and through local provision of social and legal services for immigrant workers (Lee, 90-93).

Central to the AFL-CIO’s new immigration position is the belief that the current system of immigration enforcement is “broken and needs to be fixed” (Qtd in Labor Immigrant Organizing Network, 5). The AFL-CIO immigration reform program highlights several problems with U.S. law, such as flawed guest worker programs, delays in the naturalization process, and the failure to legalize thousands of undocumented immigrants who were eligible for the 1986 amnesty. However, the AFL-CIO believes the most egregious flaw in U.S. immigration policy is the failure of employer sanctions to reduce employer demand for illegal immigrant workers.

In the beginning of 1980s, the AFL-CIO took measures favoring regulatory means against those companies provided job to the illegal immigrants. The leadership believed that sanctions would protect American jobs by discouraging employers from hiring cheap, illegal immigrant labor. They also believed that sanctions would help reduce illegal immigration by cutting off the demand for foreign labor (Labor Immigrant Organizing Network, 5-7). Having obtained the solid support from the labor unions, regulatory measures against the companies hiring illegal immigrants became a major issue of the Immigration Reform and Control Act passed in 1986.

However, as mentioned previously, policy-makers lacked the political will to give teeth to the enforcement provision of IRCA. As a result, the INS did not have the legal or physical capacity to enforce employer sanctions successfully.

Not surprisingly, then, the employer sanctions provision of IRCA has not arrested the demand for, or supply of, illegal immigrants. In fact, after falling to between 1.8 and 3 million people after 1986, the undocumented population rose to between 2.7 and 3.7 million by 1992 (Labor Immigrant Organizing Network, 9). Nor have unsystematically enforced sanctions discouraged employers from hiring illegal immigrants. In fact, according to many labor leaders, rather than protecting the employment rights of native and legal immigrant workers, employer sanctions have been turned against workers. “On the surface this IRCA looks like an anti-employer law. In reality it’s an anti-worker law”(Labor Immigrant Organizers Network, 24).

The change in U.S. labor leaders’ immigration preferences has been heavily influenced by the desire to build union membership, which has declined steadily since the 1950s. After reaching a peak of about 35 percent of the workforce in 1953, by the late 1990s union density rates declined overall to less than 15 percent, and to about 10 percent in the private sector (Milkman, 11).

Many labor leaders were complacent about this loss of membership. But in the United States, where membership dictates union bargaining power with employers, the AFL-CIO does not enjoy an institutionalized role in collective bargaining at the national or local level, as unions often do in Europe. Likewise, U.S. collective bargaining agreements do not cover workers who are not members in a union. There fore, in contrast to their European counterparts, American labor leaders increasingly see immigrant workers as a crucial source of new membership to bolster union strength (Milkman, 12).

Beginning in the 1970s and 1980s, economic restructuring forced new immigrants, many of them undocumented, into peripheral jobs that lacked union representation. Because immigrant workers tend to be concentrated in the unskilled, contingent workforce, legal barriers imposed by the NLRB make traditional organizing efforts difficult (Milkman, 11). As a result, immigrant workers and local unions have devised new organizing strategies.

Also standing in the way of immigrant unionization is the fear of employer retaliation. The AFL-CIO wants to remove such barriers. First, labor leaders argue that the fear of employer retaliation must be eliminated by legalizing undocumented workers and granting immigrants and natives equal workplace rights. Second, they say that the current system of employer sanctions must end. Finally, labor leaders want whistleblower protections for undocumented immigrants who report employer violations. According to AFL-CIO Executive Vice President Linda Chavez-Thompson, “Too often, immigrant workers’ rights are being routinely violated. Courageous undocumented workers who come forward to assert their rights should not be faced with deportation as a result of their actions”(AFL-CIO, 16).

Economic marginalization of undocumented immigrants is a recurring theme in the AFL-CIO’s immigration reform dialogue. However, U.S. labor leaders do not equate illegal immigration with the growth of the underground economy, nor do they see legalization as a means to shrink the underground economy.

Labor leaders in the United States favor open immigration policies and believe that restrictive policies fail to control illegal immigration. What’s more, they have resigned themselves to the fact that regulated legal immigration is better than unregulated illegal immigration. However, they reached these conclusions in different ways, ways that depend largely on the domestic pressures they are subject to. U.S. labor leaders place more emphasis on increasing union membership. Hence, they support legalization and an end to employer sanctions as a means to reduce the risk of immigrant-organizing drives.

Changes in the global economy have helped shape the immigration policy preferences of the European and U.S. employers. In Europe and the United States, employers, in response to increasing global economic competition, have discarded mass production models in favor of flexible and decentralized production and employment strategies, such as subcontracting, relocating production overseas, and temporary and part-time contracts. Likewise, global economic restructuring has encouraged a bifurcation of the labor market between highly skilled, information-based workers and low-skilled workers. Employers in the United States and Europe increasingly are looking abroad to recruit both skilled technology workers and unskilled workers.

In contrast to European national employers’ associations, many U.S. employers are openly pro-immigration. Most American employers, from growers to software manufacturers to restaurant owners, want more permanent and temporary employment-based immigration. A number of companies even support the idea of giving documents to the illegal immigrants. For example, the Essential Workers Immigration Coalition, a group of businesses and trade associations concerned with a shortage of semi-skilled and unskilled workers, wants undocumented immigrants who have been working in the United States to be allowed to legalize their status (Lee, 23).

One explanation for the differing attitudes of European and American employers is economic. The more flexible U.S. economy did not suffer as deep or as long an economic recession as Europe did after the 1973 oil crisis, so that employer demand for immigrant workers has been more prevalent and politically palatable in the United States. However, other explanations beyond economic cycles of growth and recession, such as differences in the policy-making process and the decentralization of business interests in the United States, help explain U.S. employers’ openly pro-immigration policy preferences.

The US regulatory measures taken in order to combat the illegal immigration differs, in general, from the European means of fighting the same problems. This is in part because for historical and cultural reasons the United States considers itself to be a country of immigration, whereas Spain, Italy, and France, etc do not. As a result, immigration policy debates in the United States almost always include discussion on whether to decrease, maintain, or increase annual immigration quotas. Even in the mid-1990s, when the public debate shifted to the provision of social welfare benefits for legal and illegal immigrants, the appropriate level of legal immigration was debated in Congress (Lee, 34, 63).

Also, the politicization of U.S. immigration policy is bound to the perceived social and economic costs of illegal immigration. Employers, who want access to immigrant labor, have therefore pursued a clever lobbying strategy of splitting the legal and illegal components of immigration bills. For example, an early Senate version of the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act included a measure to reduce skill-based visas from 140,000 to 90,000. Many employers and employer groups, including the National Association of Manufacturers, Microsoft, and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, were outraged by these proposals (Lee, 109).

Business lobbyists mobilized to split the bill between its legal and illegal components, thereby maintaining legal immigration levels. This strategy, also pursued by employers with the 1990 Immigration Act, allows government to ease public concerns about illegal immigration by fortifying borders or restricting access to social services. At the same time, legislators can satisfy employer demand for immigrant labor by maintaining or increasing legal immigration levels.
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Strategic Management Thesis Proposal

Thesis Proposal on Strategic Management

CACI, being a successful publicly held IT company based in the UK, is currently focused on the improvement its market position in order to maintain a highly competitive position in the contemporary business environment. In actuality, the position of the company on the market is stable and CACI has good prospect for the further development. At the same time, it is necessary to understand the fact that the competition on the market is steadily growing and the company have to use its full potential, eliminate its weaknesses and develop its strengths to gain the larger share of the market and improve its current position even more.

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On analyzing strengths of CACI, it is important to underline that the company is focused on the development of information technologies and it pays a particular attention to the defense, national security and intelligence-related solutions. In such a way, the company operates in a highly technological industry and, what is more, it is oriented on the introduction of innovations, which is very important in the contemporary business environment because innovations and the focus on the knowledge-based industry allows the company to take the leading position in the market, employ prospective specialists who are able to provide the development of new technologies.

On the other hand, there are certain weaknesses since the company cannot fully control all of its employees, even though they deal with technologies and information which is, as a rule, a top secret information. In this respect, it should be said that some of its employees have already proved to be irresponsible as they have been involved in the Abu Ghraib scandal that deteriorated not only the public image of the company but also the situation within the company. To put it more precisely, the unethical behavior of some of its employees undermines the entire organizational culture and reveals certain weaknesses in the work of the company with its employees in regard to ethical norms they should observe and basic principles of a moral behavior.

At the same time, the company still has huge opportunities for the further development and progress. 

In this respect, it should be said that, being a state contractor, the company can count for a long term contracts and prospects of the further development. Obviously, in the situation when the state demand for the services of the company grows consistently because of the increasing threat to the national security of the US and the UK that increases the demand for services and products of the company which offers defense, military and intelligence solutions. On the basis of state contracts, the company can expand its presence in the private sector of the market.

However, the competition in the IT industry constantly grows and the company can face serious problems, especially if it is involved in scandals such as the one in Abu Ghraib. At the same time, the introduction of new technologies by competitors can deteriorate the position of the company on the market.

Thus, CACI has large opportunities for the further development but it needs to minimize risks and threats that persist at the moment.
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Monday, April 9, 2012

Arab Israeli Conflict Dissertation

Dissertation on Arab Israeli Conflict

In this paper I will investigate in the Arab-Israeli Conflict, describe the scope of the conflict, provide the brief description of the conflict’s history, as well as the history of wars, and present the peace plans for the future.

Arab-Israeli conflict has the wide history scope that dates back for about a century of open hostilities and political tensions. It is tightly connected with the foundation of the Zionist movement and the establishment of the modern State of Israel. The conflict concerns the relationships of Arab countries and Israel that started before the World War I, in the beginning of the 20th century. In order to understand the matter of the conflict it is important to follow its emergence and analyze its reasons.

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Even though the territory of conflict was very small, this Arab-Israeli conflict attracted much attention from the side of worldwide media, international organizations and diplomatic authorities. Many people, organizations and countries were involved in the conflict for having many connections with Islam, Arab and Jewish culture, Judaism, etc. To some extent, this conflict can be viewed as the part of the larger ideological conflict of the Western and Arab world (Reich 56).

The history of the conflict dates back to the end of the 19th century and there can be named five important periods or levels of its development. The first period started at the end of the 19th century and ended three years after the end of the WW II, in 1948. Before the WW I, Palestine was the part of the Ottoman Empire for the last 5 centuries. And during the lat century of its existence, Ottomans began to accept the primacy of Turkish nation. That led to the discrimination of Arabs.

During the WW I, many Jews and Arabs were supporting allied powers for the promise of liberation of Ottoman Empire, which led to the emergence of the Arab nationalism. After the WW I, Palestine area became British and was called the British mandate of Palestine (Geddes 45-51). Starting with that period of time, immigration of Jewish people to Palestine increased, which increased tensions in the region. After Nazi came to power in Germany, Jewish population in Palestine almost doubled. 

Palestinian Arabs saw that as the threat to their country unity and people identity. Later, particular policies were introduced, which made the situation even worse- Jewish policies prohibited Arab employment in Jewish companies and restricted possibilities of land purchase. Arabs considered those Jewish preference policies be unfair, as they were only immigrants on their land.

Those increasing discontents led to the Arab revolt in Palestine in 1936-1939. As a result, British government finally decreased the number of Jewish immigrants. But soon after that, period of Nazi Holocaust started, and the Jewish immigration continued, though it was illegal then. The tensions were rising in the region, and the committee to solve problems in Palestine was appointed by United Nations- UNSCOP, with the representatives from eleven states, which proposed the separation of Arab and Jewish territories and establish a partitioned state. This decision was approved in 1947, even though the Arab representatives (Arab League) voted against (Feste 124). That was the opening of the strategic fight for controlling major positions in Palestine of Arab and Jewish population. In 1948, Israel declared its sovereignty and independence and the day after that Arab League expressed its open opposition to the partition of the land and armies of Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Jordan and Iraq invaded the Arab Palestine and the War of 1948 began. Israeli Defense Forces succeeded in repulsing Arab armies from occupied territories and extending their borders. The War ended with the signing of the Armistice Agreements between Israel and each Arab ally in 1949 and the armistice line, also called green line, was established and internationally recognized.

The second period lasted from 1949 to 1967 and is famous for the violation of Armistice agreement by the Arab side, when Egypt closed Straits of Tiran to the shipping of Israel and the Gulf of Acaba was blockaded in 1956. The Israeli answer to those events was the invasion of the Sinai Peninsula and Gaza Strip in the same year with the assistance of Britain and France. Finally United States and United Nations interfered and the conflict was provisionally resolved. UNEF United Nations Emergency Force was created to control the situation. May, 30-June, 5 1967- Six-Day War, as a results of which Israel again gained control over Gaza Strip, Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank, the Golan Heights and eastern Jerusalem (Freedman 245-64).

The third period lasted only 5 years- from 1967 till 1973, during which Arab leaders finally decided that they do not recognize the state of Israel, they do not want the peace and no negotiations with Israel were discussed. In 1969 the War of Attrition was initiated by Egypt aiming to get Sinai Peninsula back, but the war ended suddenly with Nasser’s death in 1970. Three years later, Yom Kippur was attacked by Syria and Egypt, which started the indirect confrontation between the USSR and the USA on the basis of the nuclear weapon.

The forth period started in 1974 and ended in 2000, which is outstanding for signing peace treaties of Israel with Jordan (1994), Egypt (1979) and Lebanon (1983) and for Israel destruction of Iraq nuclear facilities (1981).

The last period is still lasting from 2000. In 2006 the Lebanon War took place. On the 6th of September, 2007 Israel side bombed northern Syrian complex, which was suspected to hold nuclear missiles of North Korea.

Arab peace plan was first introduced in 2002 and was aiming to withdraw Israelites from Arab territories, which were occupied since 1967, establish the independent Palestinian state and promote overall normalization and stabilization of Arab-Israeli relationships. That peace initiative was introduced by the Arab League at the Riyadh Summit in 2007, which was welcomed by Israel, but needs time for implementation.

In the conclusion I would like to say that even though Arab-Israeli conflict lasts for about a century already, the foundation for its resolution is already laid with the Arab Peace Initiative.

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Tuesday, April 3, 2012

Dissertation on Morality

Dissertation on Morality

In discussing the nature of morality there exists two major positions that an individual can take. One can argue for the existence of a universal, autonomous body of moral codes that pertains to all possible situations, one that is independent, unchangeable and timeless. One could also argue for a subjective morality, that is, a case where morality is owed to an immediate rational deliberation in the name of the collective good. Following is a discussion of both of these notions as they pertain to the work of two very influential philosophers, Thomas Hobbes and John Locke. Thomas Hobbes, known for his book The Leviathan, argues for a subjective morality. Hobbes saw morality only as an incidental condition rising as the individual attempts to remove themselves from the ravenous state of nature. Locke, on the other hand, believed morality to be a universal body handed down from god and applied by an exercise of reason.

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To best understand the position of Hobbes and his moral philosophy it is important that he is introduced as a political philosopher. Hobbes was interested in the development of a commonwealth, with a dominant sovereign, and its capacity to offer the individual increased power and security. Only by entering this commonwealth and subjecting oneself to the decree of the sovereign, Hobbes felt, did the need for a moral concept arise. The route to Hobbes' morality, therefore, begins with his understanding of the individual and the associated state of nature.

For Hobbes, the state of nature is the condition in which humans exist without institutions or collectively agreed upon authorities, it is selfish, violent and chaotic. The state of nature is this way, according to Hobbes, due to the innate nature of human beings. Hobbes held that humans are essentially physical machines cared only to satiate their needs; they desperately seek what they require and consider others merely as obstacles to their goals. In the state of nature Hobbes believed this innate human way ruled, and because no preconceived notions about human worth exist, morality immerges as backward and irrelevant while hostility reigns. This can be further understood in a quote from Hobbes himself, which reads "to this war of every man against every man, this also is consequent; that nothing can be unjust."

Hobbes also sought to explain the kinds of actions humans are capable of. He felt that each person was capable of two kinds of action, vital actions and animal actions. Vital actions referred to the involuntary actions of the physical body; they include elements such as the beating of the heart, the lungs facilitating oxygen exchange, and the elimination of waste. Animal actions, more importantly, describe human voluntary motion, they are believed to originate in the mind and give rise to voluntary actions. Hobbes termed this voluntary action human endeavor, of which he claimed there were two kinds, appetite and aversions. When human behavior is directed toward that which causes it, the behavior is said to be a reflection of an appetite. When human behavior involves striving to avoid that which causes it, the behavior is said to reflect an aversion. The significance of Hobbes' notion of endeavors is that appetites and aversions that are unbound represent the state of nature. That is to say, the defining feature of Hobbes' state of nature is the fact that in such a state humans live only to quench appetites and remove aversions, and furthermore, they are free to do anything in their capacity to achieve this goal. Humans are free in the sense that, as mentioned, no assumptions pre-exist. One can note the particular intensity of this notion from Hobbes' own words, which state "The passions that incline men to peace, are fear of death; desire of such things as are necessary to commodious living; and a hope by their industry to attain them."

After describing Hobbes' notions thus far, one may now turn to his concepts of the commonwealth. Hobbes felt that the highest achievement of civility came a humans agreed to enter into a collective society, or commonwealth. In a commonwealth Hobbes stated that each member agreed to give up a portion of the freedom of will they maintained in they state of nature. The condition of one individual surrendering part of his freedom is met in the commonwealth by the condition of another surrendering an equal portion of their freedom, this is met to reduce the chaos and remove one from the state of nature. For example, one agrees to the boundaries of his neighbors land, and in return his neighbor agrees to the boundaries of his land. In defining their property both men no longer have to fight constantly for the basics of survival, they now have the opportunity to produce excess, survive longer, and live happier as they are now more secure.

From this notion of the commonwealth one can now discuss Hobbes' ideas of morality. Morality for Hobbes arises in the rational decision of the human creature to escape the state of nature and enter the commonwealth. That is to say, in the commonwealth the individual assumes a series of laws or agreements, which increases their security. Breaking these laws then becomes the greatest sin as in such a case those involved are returned to the brutish state of nature. In the commonwealth the individual must adhere to two central principles, the right of nature and the law of nature. The right of nature stipulates that even in the commonwealth your unlimited in actions when your life depends on it. The law of nature has three parts. The first stipulates that you must not take your own life, and furthermore you must choose the best means to preserve it. The second stipulates that one must practice compromise and allot as much freedoms to them as they would allot to others. The third law stipulates that the individual maintain the agreements made of the commonwealth. These laws provide the boundaries of Hobbes' commonwealth; they are the lines separating society and the state of nature.

Morality, therefore, according to Hobbes involves living by these laws and thus enabling the individual to avoid the state of nature. In addition to these fundamental laws the collective group also agrees to a number governing sub laws, they give full power to a sovereign to enforce these laws, with the ultimate objective of maintaining the compromise of freedoms. With this, one sees "as the essence of Hobbes" theories subjectivity in the fact that laws are developed by the collective, for the collective.

Problems, however, exist with Hobbes' theories. Hobbes fails to account for all the capacities of humanity and as such his ideas fail to depict an accurate picture of human civilization. Hobbes' most fundamental error is his exclusion of human reason. From his exclusion of objective human reason, as something driving the search for pure knowledge, one can attack his model of the state of nature and by extension the concepts that follow from it.

By purposing that humans are driven simply by the desire to fill the void created by needs, Hobbes fails in attempting to account fully for human voluntary motion. One cannot claim that humanity in its best exercise of reason aims to merely reduce obstacles, and at the same time say they may produce excess in this negative space. Moreover, the fact that excesses do exist adds further controversy to Hobbes' theory of the productivity of the commonwealth. These excesses can be seen in the expression and development of pure, as apposed to applied knowledge. To account for these excesses one must add a concept to human nature that dissolves Hobbes notion of the state of nature, the concept that humans are active beyond the realm of practical gain. This new definition of endeavor or voluntary motion implies that the active pursuit of pure elements supersedes need satisfaction. If need satisfaction was utmost, one becomes caught in a circle, perpetually satisfying needs from which stagnation develops and no excesses grow.

From these new definitions, in the revised state of nature individuals seek to constantly improve and are never satisfied with just enough. This by extension suggests an innate value for all things, as the world and its inhabitants draw enough worth for one to desire to improve upon them. The ravenous state of nature as described by Hobbes therefore is incomplete and as such not telling of humanity.

 The fact that humans are capable of diverging values further alters Hobbes notions, particularly its subjectivity. The existence of human value diversity suggests that in our active efforts to constantly improve, one is uncovering new territory and not creating it. This is implied because the error that exists between individual values, if our efforts are progressive, suggest an attempt to merge to the same answers. What one is attempting to uncover in a constant quest, therefore, is something timeless and universal, an objective not subjective law that exists beyond the individual. These kinds of efforts can be understood with a brief look at the teachings of Aristotle. Aristotle held that morality existed as a mean between excess and deficiency. That is, to live morally one should search for the middle ground, for example continence as apposed to incontinence or insensibility. Some individuals fall into incontinence, some into insensibility, yet they will always push to reach the timeless, objective mean of continence as it offers the best, most consistent life. One can then extend Hobbes' morality beyond upholding subjective creations, and claim it as part of the objective truth that individuals seek. One now values humans in as much as they value themselves. The equality in value across humans arises because equality is the mean between inequality and honor. Furthermore, equality alone allows for constant improvement as humans work with and not against one another. This co-operation is different then the agreements of Hobbes' commonwealth because humans are now attempting to improve one another not simply to stay out of each others way. Acting moral becomes an end in and of itself. Finally, according to the revisions on Hobbes' theories, the commonwealth is not a different kind of human existence but an improvement in degree only.

The second philosopher to be discussed is John Locke. Like Hobbes, Locke had developed his own political and moral theories, however, they were very much the contrary to Hobbes'. The most fundamental principle of Locke's morality is its autonomous and objective nature. Locke's morality in this sense exists as an equal with the natural development of other institutions including religion and politics. Locke's notion of the natural condition of man holds that, although there are no agreed upon institutions, humans are free to do as the chose only within the bounds of reason. This can be best understood within Locke's own words, they are "To understand political power, right, and derive it from its original, we must consider what state all men are naturally in, and that is a state of perfect freedom to order their actions" within the bounds of the law of nature"‚ - From god, Locke argued, we have inscribed within us all that is moral and just and we uncover this through an exercise of reason. In this light one can see that, because we come from an omnipotent maker, and that we exist under their providence and creation, some morality always persists even in the natural condition. We uncover this persisting morality in our exercise of reason, given to us by god. Locke states this in the quote "and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind, who will consult it". Some of these moral precepts of Locke's natural condition of man include the notion that you cannot kill yourself, or other's unless your life depends on it as were our maker's property and about his actions. This notion also rests on the precept that were all the same and equal as individuals as our creator has made us all equally, therefore we inherently must maintain a certain degree of concern for another's well being.

Locke did maintain that laws are to be enforced, even in a state of nature, yet this chore is up to each individual in an exercise of reason. In Locke's society therefore, all power is not given to an all-powerful sovereign. Instead, an impartial judge is appointed who must answer to the people as a whole; this is to facilitate a balance between reparation and restraint. That is, in Locke's society two rights exist, that of reparation and that of restraint. Reparation allows one to punish a transgressor of others and society, while restraint ensures the punishment fits the crime. Fundamentally, what this means is that the appointed judge can forgive the offender if it is best for society. Locke also imposed several conditions on man in a society. First, he stated that no man can judge his own case of transgression for his own self love will bias him. Second, he developed an argument for capital punishment. This argument stated that any individual committing a relatively serious crime, murder for example, removes himself from gods prescribed humanity and can thus be punished as such.

From his theorizing, Locke maintained one very fundamental problem to explain. Because Locke felt that, as revealed through scripture, god gave the earth to all mankind in common he had to explain the element of private ownership. Locke explains this by suggesting that we take for ourselves for the duration of our life that which we have worked for. That is to say, Locke felt that we all have an inborn property in our own person, and therefore, by the labor of this body we work to earn possessions such as hunting and fishing. Locke did describe an exception to this rule, which is, in circumstances where resources are particularly low, the right of restraint swells. That is to say, in a case of impending starvation one may freely steal bread to feed their family. Furthermore, Locke put a restriction on how much an individual can amass or own. He held that it was wrong for any individual to take from the world more than they need, including land and food resources. If one takes more than they can use, others must go without, moreover, wasting that which god has provided and given us reason to use properly is a transgression against this providence and society.

This objective tune of morality is both prescriptively and descriptively convincing. The reason that Locke speaks of is an undeniable element of humanity, and the term reason by definition suggests the pursuit of something objective, not emotional or subjective. Furthermore, the strength of reason that Locke explains, the kind that separates humans from animals, accounts for the possibility that humans act upon the world, they don't just react. This notion of the active human is compelling as it accounts for all the successes of history, including artistic achievement and medical discoveries, while discrediting the notion of negative ambition as no excess could come from this.

Prescriptively Locke's theories are also very seductive. In purposing that we live in the name of our own preservation as well as the preservation of other's one is inspired. Living with this kind of respect for the world and the people in it, while adhering to the objective search to better respect this world suggests the opportunity maintained in a society can increase exponentially. Each individual is working toward the same goal along the same principles.

Locke's notions have also been to a certain extent shared by many influential thinkers. Some of the thinkers that share a view akin to Locke's include St Thomas Aquinas and Plato. In his doctrine of natural law Aquinas describes a similar concept of moral law, he saw it as something given to us from god that reason allows us to discover. It is not, however, the reliance of god that gives the ideas of both men the power in objectivity. More important than the belief in its roots is the adherence to reason itself, this practiced by all people must by definition must guide all view a particular circumstance equally, squashing biases and thus inequality. Of course, no human can always judge completely free of their own emotional biases. This emotional bias does not, however, have to rule humanity. If humans pursue reason objectivity will persist because in that pursuit a certain level of consistency is maintained.

Plato offers a much less theological approach to objective morality. Plato theorized about an ideological world of forms. This world maintained no direct connection to the physical world and it held in it the perfect concept of all human pursuits. Plato held that it was the human responsibility to seek to reduce ignorance of this world in order to best imitate it, which included universal concepts of morality. For both Plato and Locke, the individual must, through the exercise of reason, seek to uncover a persisting moral world. This moral world then units all people in the objective pursuit of it, and regardless of its origins humans begin to work with, and for one another.
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Dissertation on Malcolm X

Dissertation on Malcolm X

Malcolm X was one of the most influential Black Americans to advocate of Black Nationalism during the 1950's and 1960's. He transformed himself from a petty Criminal, into a defender of the rights of Blacks. He was also a pioneer of self defense against white violence.

Malcolm Little was born on May 19, 1925, in Omaha Nebraska. His father was a follower of Marcus Garvey, a black leader who worked to establish close political and economical ties to Africa. In 1929, he watched his house burn down by the hands of the white supremacist Ku Klux Klan. His father was found dead after being run over by a train in 1931.

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Malcolm believed that white racist did this, and after this incident, he became a rebellious youth. His mother was committed to a mental hospital when he was 12. He spent the rest of his childhood in foster homes, and became discouraged by the racial prejudice around him, such that he was told that becoming a lawyer was unrealistic. After a few years in foster homes, he became a good student, and he was voted class president.

He attended school in East Lansing, Michigan, however, he dropped out in 9th grade. He moved to Boston, and then to New York when he was 16 with relatives, and became involved in the Harlem underground. He went to prison for fourteen accounts 8-10 years for burglary during 1946 and 1952. While in prison he was read up on and converted to the Nation of Islam, known as Black Muslims, which was led by the Honorable Elijah Muhammad. They taught that white people were devils. He replaced the surname "little" with the "X", symbolizing his bad habits of smoking, drinking, sex with white women, and drugs.

He was a powerful speaker, and expressed his anger of the troubled Black people in America. He spoke with bitterness, against the white exploitation of black people, and he developed a brilliant platform style, which soon won him large and dedicated followers. He founded mosques in Boston, Philadelphia, and Harlem, and began the Muslim newspaper "Muhammad Speaks" in 1961. For this, he was named the National Spokesman, and awarded the Mosques No. 7 in Harlem, the most important pastorate after the Chicago headquarters.

Malcolm X quickly became the Nation of Islam's most important minister. He was a fiery, urging blacks to gain their freedom anyway they could. He started to become unsatisfied with the Nation of Islam, mostly because they avoided political activity. Malcolm X rejected the black integration and non-violence as a principles, but cooperated with Martin Luther Kind, and other Civil Right Leaders who favored "militant non-violent protests", although he was disliked because he suggested violence.

An ideological split developed between Malcolm X and the more conservative Elijah Muhammad. When President Kennedy was assassinated, Malcolm stated that it was "case of chickens coming home to roost", the type of violence used against blacks. In 1963, Elijah Muhammad ordered a period of silence for Malcolm X, because of internal disputes, jealousy of Malcolm's success, and Malcolm's comments on President's Kennedy's assassination. In 1964, he left the Nation of Islam, and founded the National Mosque, Inc. He had a pilgrimage to Mecca, and embraced the universal brotherhood, where his name became "El Hajj Malik Shabazz". After this, he stated that white people were not devils, and developed a social revolution theory. In 1965, he founded the organization of Afro American Unity, to internationalize the flight of Americans Unity, and to make a cause with the third world nations.

By this time, most of the followers of the Nation of Islam had condemned Malcolm X as a hypocrite and traitor because of Elijah Muhammad, the group's leader. Malcolm X was shot during a speech in New York City on February 21, 1965. Three members of the Nation of Islam were convicted. His autobiography was released after his death, and made him an ideological hero, especially among black youth. His autobiography was written by Alex Haley. His family believes that he was assassinated for teaching Markus Garvey's ideas.

According to Malcolm X he stated, "I am not a racist. In the past I permitted myself to be used...to make sweeping indictments of all white people, the entire white race, and theses generalizations have caused injuries to some whites and perhaps did not deserve to be hurt. Because of the spiritual enlightenment which I was blessed to receive as a result of my recent pilgrimage to the Holy city of Mecca, I no longer subscribe to sweeping indictments of ant one race. I am now striving to live the life of a true...Muslim. I must repeat that I am not a racist nor do I subscribe to the tenets of racism. I can state in all sincerity that I wish nothing but freedom, justice and equality, life. liberty and the pursuit of happiness for all people." I thought I saw Malcolm as a racist in the movie. I thought that Malcolm addressed the "white man" in his speeches with great prejudice. I thought that some of the topics in which Malcolm talked about was racist, but not all of the topics in which he talked about were racist. Malcolm X at some points talked about how black people should be treated equally and how black people should not be pushed over so easily. I agree with that, but the part where he calls all white people devils and where he calls us "white men"‚ to be a disgrace to all mankind I find to be very derogatory. I realize that in today's age, it is all about getting along and all about knowing people so you can get through life the best you can no matter what kind of color you are: purple, green, black, orange, red, white, or yellow.

I thought that Islam affected Malcolm's view on race in a great deal because it through up a smoke screen so to say as an excuse of why people were being pushed over. I find that wrong and very immoral when it comes to that no matter what religion you are.

Islam made Malcolm think along with others that all white people are bad and do not trust them because they will only stab you in the back latter on. Like it or not all people do that and just not a certain race. Islam made Malcolm only see one issue at a time and not the whole picture. Not all white people are like that and not all black people are like that. The teaching of Islam did not specify what white folks were like that it just made a particular remark about a certain class with no back up type of information. Initially Malcolm X was very outspoken about anti-white and anti-integration between races. These were the fundamental beliefs of the Nation of Islam-the organization Malcolm X rose to be a national spokesperson for. It was in the last two year of his life that Malcolm X became Malik El-Shabazz. He used this name because he experienced in Mecca that all men are equal regardless of their color. He now was part of a global and color blind community. This is what he preached on his return to the U.S. and this is why, some believe, he was assassinated in 1965.

Malcolm represents a leader which all communities look up to as dynamic, intelligent, and most importantly revitalizing. The Muslims of today, from all parts of the world see Malcolm as a man who not only had strong convictions and beliefs, but was not afraid to voice them and stand up to a system which expects conformity to a certain way of thinking. Malcolm transformed himself from a street hustler to an articulate leader and was convinced that others could change for the better as well. In his autobiography he wrote: "My whole life had been a chronology of changes". When we remember Malcolm X, we cannot ignore that he did change from seeing race as a dividing issue to his final testimony as a Muslim who believed in a religion which spells out clearly that all humankind is created and judged equally.
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Monday, April 2, 2012

Dissertation on Dehydration

Dissertation on Dehydration

The amount of sweat secreted varies from individual to individual; however, everyone becomes more adapt at sweating with extended exposure to hot and humid climates. This process of heat is not unlike acclimatization to altitude. The longer you are exposed to a situation, the better your body will adapt to it. In the case of heat, it takes about two weeks to complete the acclimatization process.

This is why it is often so difficult to run in hot weather races early in the spring or summer. As our bodies adjust to running in a hot environment, our sweat volume increases and our sweat becomes more dilute.

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Along with the increase in sweat volume comes an increase in fluid loss. The more sweat we secrete, the more we become dehydrated. It is estimated that a runner loses up to 2 liters of sweat per hour on a hot day. That is a lot fluid loss that must be replaced. Drinking often (every 15 or 20 minutes) is critical to maintaining sufficient hydration. If you wait until you are thirsty, it is too late.

For most runners, it is not possible to consume as much fluid as they are losing during the run, however, sufficient fluid replacement should not be difficult after the run.

Most runners will not experience problems related to dehydration until they have lost two percent to four percent of their body weight due to fluid depletion. Of equal or greater concern is progressive dehydration. Day one our runner loses three percent of their weight to dehydration. They experience no problems and drinks as their thirst dictates. Since thirst is a poor indicator of fluid loss, our runner does not completely rehydrate and starts day two one percent dehydrated. This pattern of incomplete fluid replacement continues for a couple of days until our runner starts a day three or four percent down. This day can even be a bit cooler but our runner can't understand why they are feeling so poorly. Their pattern of incomplete rehydration has progressively gotten worse and finally resulted in a dangerous situation.
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Dissertation on Advocacy

Dissertation on Advocacy

The Oxford English Dictionary defines the term advocate as "one who pleads the case of another" (1989). The legal view of advocacy encompasses the definition of advocacy as a consultation between client and lawyer before a court proceeding (Woodrow 1997). The International Council of Nursing (ICN) has included nurse advocacy in their code since the 1970s. In recent nursing literature "nurse advocacy" has become somewhat of a buzzword connected with the concepts of nurse autonomy, ethics, moral issues and the view of patients as health consumers.

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Although the nurse that advocates for their client has no real legal standing among the health professions, the importance of such advocacy arises often as a binding, if legally un-recognized, unsaid contract between the nurse and the client.

Henderson's theory of nursing says that advocacy is "a separate identity, not included in the medical models of treatment" (Henderson, 1960). The question arises, Is Nurse based advocacy on the client's behalf more of a philosophical endeavor taken on by the nurse as an overpowering internal drive to protect the client? Or does the advocacy of the client's rights and wishes by nurses serve an ideal avenue for the lobbying of said rights in a legal and political venue? The arguments for both sides are persuasive, leaving that fine line uncrossed by either side.

Advocacy for the client has evolved throughout the years in the medical community an endeavor taken on by the professional nurse. History shows us that the archaic reverence given to physicians is slowly becoming a thing of the past. Florence Nightingale first introduced the theory of patient advocacy in an indirect manner. Her belief that "the world was unsafe, requiring that the patient be protected from its environmental and social effects on health" (Nightingale 1969) was in fact a first time recognition of patients' personal well being addressed outside the physical well being of a patient. Nightingale inadvertently planted the seed of trust between the nurse and the patient to grow a strong bond between the two. This basic belief of patient-nurse bonding has been taken as one of the fundamental standards of nursing responsibility in the modern day profession. Beginning in the 1960s, Virginia Henderson theorized that nursing should be patient led instead of institution led, meaning that the nurses responsibilities and loyalties should fall more to the actual patients wishes and concerns than that of an economically driven institution. Henderson believed that "the nature of nursing is a separate identity formed to encompass skills not included in the medical model of treatment, based upon ethical constructs, as opposed to task oriented behaviors" (Henderson, 1960). In other words, nurses have something better to offer other that bedpans and bandages.

The autonomy of the nursing profession allows the nurse to inform, instruct and speak for the individual patient. The nurse is often times put in the middle of patientâۉ„¢s wishes and the physician's demands. The ability to mediate such conflicts is the foundation of advocacy. Carol Willard, a nursing professor from Manchester College of Midwifery and Nursing in Manchester, England says, "autonomy of the nurse as well as the patient must be paramount in making ethical decisions regarding the capacity to determine ones own destiny" (Willard, 1995). When an otherwise healthy person is suddenly hospitalized and independence is taken away, it is taken for granted that the patient will be compliant and conform to "rules" set by his or her physician. If the patient does not agree with the action the doctors find necessary for treatment, what recourse does that patient have? Here is when the nurse advocate is to step in and speak on behalf of the patient. The true nature of nursing is to provide care and comfort to ones patient. Student nurses are taught that the welfare of the patient is always first and foremost in every aspect of care. If said patient is fearful of a possibly life-saving procedure and questions the doctor's orders, how far should the nurse go on behalf of the patient? At what level of authority does the nurse give in when advocating for a patient? Nurse Theorist Sally Gadow believes that "existential advocacy is the essence of the nurse's participation with the patient" (Gadow 1980). Gadow also believes that nursing advocacy is "based upon the principle that freedom of self-determination is the most valuable human right"(1980). While a patients right to self-determination is essential to the patient himself, criticism of that belief should be noted on the nurses behalf. Nurses must be concerned with questioning the authority of the doctor because of the ramifications and backlash that could potentially put the nurse out of a job, or at the very least, mark her as a troublemaker. Taken at the personal level of patient concern, the nurse can speak without fear of retribution, but as the nurse travels up the chain of command, the more powerful the obstacles become. The inner determination of each individual nurse comes into question here. Should the nurturing, internal drive of the nurse to protect the patient at any cost be the vehicle for advocacy? In many nursing theory frameworks this point remains undefined. Advocacy in the sense of patient-nurse bonding is an obligation of nurse professionals, but in the legal sense, advocacy takes on a whole other connotation.

To be a legal representative for the patient is far beyond the reach of an ordinary nurse. The Citizen Advocacy Information and Training (CAIT) guidelines state, "Advocates owe those they represent a duty of loyalty, confidentiality, and a commitment to be zealous in the promotion of their cause" (Willard, 1995). The CAIT also states that advocates should be unpaid and independent from any health business. The transformation of health care from compassion based service, to one of strong financial goals has brought the need for patient advocacy to the forefront of the health care systems. 

The ordinary nurse is hardly in the position to lobby for legislative laws and regulations of patients rights on a full time basis. The independent advocate is unrestrained by conflict of the subservience of nurses to doctors, therefore alleviating the fear of reprisal in a profession setting. The independent advocate is free of emotional attachment to patients that a nurse would have while caring for the sick and dying. The independent advocate would be outside the realm of office politics and doctors egos.

Most importantly the independent advocate would be better positioned to drive patient rights home to congress, as having the time to commit to such an undertaking is not a privilege most nurses have. The benefit of independent advocacy would also address that very problem of time constraint and quality of care often imposed on over-worked and underpaid nurses. The duty of beneficence to the patient is one a nurse uses on a personal level, creating that unbreakable bond so needed by those who cannot care for themselves.

The concept of nurse advocacy is not recognized by the law (Mallik & McHale 1995). The nurse must cross the fine line of advocacy carefully. Without specific guidelines and knowledge, the potential for accountability weighs heavily upon the nurses shoulders. One wrong move and a nurse's career may be over, another wrong move and a patient's life may be over. Advocacy has a definite place in the nursing profession, the voice of the patient must be heard above all other clamor. If the nurse is not empowered enough to lay it on the line, neither will the patient be empowered enough to tow the line.
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